URL: https://brill.com/view/journals/ic/21/2/article-p230_6.xml?rskey=6j45vd&result=…

DOI: https://doi.org/10.1163/1573384X-20170206

Նկարագրություն: The paper focuses on some aspects regarding Iran’s and the DPRK’s (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, or North Korea) nuclear issues during 2006-2013. It raises in particular the following questions: what were the main similarities and differences between Iran’s and DPRK’s nuclear issues; what types of similarities and differences existed in the UNSC resolutions on this issue; what were the main positions of the UNSC’s 5 permanent members on this issue.

URL: https://chinastanorg.files.wordpress.com/2017/06/sahakyan_-vostok_1_173.pdf

Նկարագրություն: This article focuses on China's policy, cooperation and disagreements with Washington and Moscow on the DPRK's nuclear issue. Section 1 and 2 give an analysis of the background of developments surrounding the DPRK's nuclear issue and the Chinese position in detail. Section 3 covers China's cooperation and disagreements with the US on this issue. From China's perspective, “no problems in the region will eliminate US interference in regional affairs.” Section 4 covers China-Russia cooperation regarding the DPRK's nuclear issue. The arguments are the following: Moscow and Beijing maintain pressure on the DPRK but only to the extent that its political system does not collapse. The Russian-Chinese united resistance against the DPRK's nuclear tests is that that after its tests and missile launches, the US increased its military involvement in the Far East. In conclusion, the author gives recommendation on a possible way to solve the DPRK's nuclear issue, which poses a threat to international security.
В статье, посвященной политике Китая по ядерной проблеме КНДР, осуществлен анализ сотрудничества и разногласия Пекина с Вашингтоном и Москвой. В первой и во второй частях рассмотрены проблемы, связанные с развитием ядерной программы КНДР и позицией Китая. В третьей части про- ведено исследование, связанное с сотрудничеством и разногласиями Китая и США по ядерной проблеме КНДР. С точки зрения Китая, «если в регионе не будет никаких проблем, то в итоге влияние США будет минимизировано». Четвертая часть посвящена китайско-российскому сотрудничеству по ядерной проблеме КНДР. Приводятся следующие аргументы: Москва и Пекин оказывают давление на КНДР так, чтобы его политическая система не рухнула. Одна из важных причин Российско-китайского объединенного сопротивления ядерным испытаниям КНДР состоит еще и в том, что после ядерных испытаний КНДР - США увеличили военное присутствие на Дальнем Востоке. В заключение автор дает рекомендацию о возможном разрешении ядерной проблемы КНДР, которая создает угрозу международной безопасности.

URL: https://www.iipvienna.com/new-blog/2020/10/5/war-in-the-caucasus-a-perspective-…

Նկարագրություն: On July 20, 2020, in an article published at IIP Peace Blog we warned that the unresolved situation of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh) issue can escalate into a major regional war if Turkey continues to back Azerbaijan and provoke it to solve the problem through military operations.

URL: https://www.iipvienna.com/new-blog/2020/7/20/armenian-azerbaijani-border-clashe…

Նկարագրություն: The ongoing clashes between Armenia and Azerbaijan started on July 12th in Tavush Province in Armenia and across the border of Tovuz District in Azerbaijan. Within four days of the outbreak of the conflict, both sides were already using heavy artillery, tanks, and unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs). Russia, the EU, the US and the OSCE Minsk Group have called for both sides to cease fighting and start negotiations. Russia also stated that it is ready to play the role of mediator if need be. In turn, the Turkish government and President Erdogan announced their support for Azerbaijan and issued threats against Armenia.

URL: https://www.asiaglobalonline.hku.hk/rebuilding-interconnections-russia-india-an…

Նկարագրություն: In an age of interconnectivity, China’s Belt and Road Initiative stands out as a political and financial behemoth, a network spanning the world with road, rail and sea links. But, writes AsiaGlobal Fellow Mher Sahakyan, founder and director of the China-Eurasia Council for Political and Strategic Research, the lesser-known International North-South Transport Corridor, founded 20 years ago and led by Russia and India, could emerge as a geopolitical rival to the BRI if it can overcome financing issues and ongoing conflict among the signatories.

URL: https://www.asiaglobalonline.hku.hk/after-nuclear-deal-china-and-iran-tread-car…

Նկարագրություն: The dismay with which Iran’s political elite greeted the US withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action rebounded to China’s benefit, argues Mher D Sahakyan of the China-Eurasia Council for Political and Strategic Research in Yerevan, Armenia. But both Tehran and Beijing must tread carefully if they want to expand economic and geopolitical cooperation, given the numerous overlapping spheres of interest in a volatile area of the world, US pressure and the impact of Covid-19.

URL: https://www.asiaglobalonline.hku.hk/russia-china-and-central-asia-cooperation-o…

Նկարագրություն: Central Asia has become an important arena of collaboration for Russia and China, with Moscow focusing on the region’s security and stability and Beijing promoting trade and commerce, particularly investment in infrastructure. As Mher D Sahakyan, Founder and Director of the China-Eurasia Council for Political and Strategic Research in Yerevan, Armenia, writes, Chinese and Russian interests overlap as both see the value of promoting regional integration as a way to counter US influence.

URL: https://www.asiaglobalonline.hku.hk/south-caucasus-crossroads-great-powers-and-…

Նկարագրություն: The South Caucasus, straddling Asia and Europe, is a complex area of ethnic, nationalist and great-power rivalries. The post-Soviet Union era has been marked by flareups of military conflict and economic, social and political confrontation. Taking a regional perspective, AsiaGlobal Fellow 2020/21 Mher D Sahakyan analyzes the major issues at play and offers ways to resolve the tensions and differences among the countries involved.

URL: https://www.asiaglobalonline.hku.hk/russias-greater-eurasian-partnership-strate…

Նկարագրություն: Geopolitical and geo-economic shifts have prompted Russia to pivot to Asia. Moscow’s proposed Greater Eurasian Partnership is meant to be a vehicle for connecting Europe and Asia and linking integration initiatives in Eurasia with key economies in East and South Asia, including China, India, Japan, South Korea and the ASEAN states. AsiaGlobal Fellow Mher D Sahakyan, co-editor of the book China and Eurasia Rethinking Cooperation and Contradictions in the Era of Changing World Order, argues that disruptions and disputes among the major powers with interests in the region should not hinder deeper cooperation if all players focus on trade and investment opportunities, particularly in infrastructure development.

URL: https://www.asiaglobalonline.hku.hk/balancing-act-china-and-turkey-changing-wor…

Նկարագրություն: Understanding relations between China and Turkey – an Asia-Pacific superpower and an ambitious middle power straddling Europe and the Middle East – is important in a changing world order. AsiaGlobal Fellow 2020/21 Mher Sahakyan, director of the China-Eurasia Council for Political and Strategic Research in Armenia, examines their competing and collaborative interests and their approaches to their respective connectivity strategies (Beijing’s Silk Road Economic Belt and Ankara’s Trans-Caspian East-West Middle Corridor Initiative) and how Turkey might pivot eastward – or westward.

URL: https://www.agda.ac.ae/docs/default-source/Publications/agda-working-paper-apr-…

Նկարագրություն: After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Central Asia became a playground for the ‘modern great game’ between and among different powers, with Russia, China, the United States, the European Union, Turkey, Iran, and India playing major roles. In the current scenario, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries have also begun to exert their influence.
Great powers are interested in Central Asia because it is at a strategically important crossroads through which the main economic corridors initiated by different countries pass, connecting the East with the West, as well as the North with the South. The region possesses vast quantities of energy resources, adding to its importance on the global stage.
Russia continues to play an important role in ensuring stability and security for Central Asia. It has well developed political and economic relations with regional states. With different bilateral treaties, all countries, expect Turkmenistan, are allies of Russia. Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan are members of the Russia-led Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan are also members of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU).
The West has established varied channels to showcase its influence in the region, particularly providing financial aid and promoting democratic values. The United States has sought to involve the regional countries in its New Silk Road (NSR) project. This region is vital for NATO to supply equipment to its troops in Afghanistan. The European Union is linking Asia through its Transport Corridor Europe- Caucasus-Asia (TRACECA), in which all the Central Asian countries are members.
India’s focus on economic growth has strengthened its cooperation with the region, especially throughthe International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), which also provides an opportunity for Central Asia to gain access to the vast Indian market.
Turkey and Iran also have political and economic interests in the region but with differing influence. While Turkey’s influence is on the upswing, internationally-isolated Iran’s role as a great power in Central Asia has diminished considerably.
China is making huge gains by strengthening its economic, logistical and political links in this volatile and resource-rich region, which could intensify the great power competition. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) plays an important role in contributing to the stability and security of Central Asian countries and Afghanistan. Moving forward, it would be particularly tricky for the SCO to ensure a balance amid colliding interests between and among its members, but it could also serve as an opportunity to extend the organization's geographic sphere of influence, thus enhancing the authority of the SCO.
Finally, the GCC countries are new players in Central Asian affairs, but there is huge potential for both regions to collaborate in energy, trade, political, and security sectors. Notably, the Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB, the mainland component of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)), the INSTC and the Ashgabat Agreement could facilitate links between the two regions. The UAE’s new World Logistics Passport (WLP), for example, could serve as an important bridge between the countries of the two regions.
All these developments are bound to impact the Gulf countries’ interests both positively and otherwise, which this paper analyzes.

URL: https://www.asiaglobalonline.hku.hk/ukrainian-crisis-multipolar-world-order-nat…

Նկարագրություն: The crisis in Ukraine could escalate into war if Russia and the US and its NATO allies cannot resolve their longstanding standoff over the reach of the transatlantic alliance. Mher D Sahakyan, 2020/21 AsiaGlobal Fellow and co-editor of the book China and Eurasia Rethinking Cooperation and Contradictions in the Era of Changing World Order, published in 2021 by Routledge, the tense situation could offer an opportunity for China to show global leadership by mediating between Russia and Ukraine, in which it has important economic and strategic interests.

URL: https://www.iipvienna.com/science-politics-blogs/2022/2/21/the-importance-of-cr…

Նկարագրություն: Actually, academic diplomacy can find ways in different situations in which official diplomacy has less place for maneuvering. For instance, in different uneasy situations between two nation states, when relations are not very good and politicians are under the pressure of their citizens or the military because of historical or political problems, scholars can play a crucial role. Scholars can organize joint conferences to find ways to improve relations and to change the attitude of their compatriots towards other nation states. Scholars can initiate and commence dialogue in a supportive and neutral environment. In turn, scholars in the field of international relations must also acknowledge, that their main task is to find ways for peaceful resolutions of problems, but not isolationism and contribution to further escalations of problems. A scholar is not a soldier, he/she is not a hawk as well. A scholar must stand and provide a bridge to bring solutions and peace, and not war or further escalation of tensions.

URL: https://chinastanorg.files.wordpress.com/2022/08/ebookarm.pdf

Նկարագրություն: Աշխատությունում վերլուծվել է Չինաստանի «Մեկ գոտի, մեկ ճանապարհ» (ՄԳՄՃ) նախաձեռնության ազդե- ցությունը համաշխարհային քաղաքատնտեսական իրադ- րության վրա, գնահատվել է ՄԳՄՃ նախաձեռնությունը Չինաստանի ազգային անվտանգության տեսանկյունից, ինչ- պես նաեւ ներկայացվել են մի շարք առաջարկություններ, որոնց միջոցով Հայաստանը կկարողանա ներգրավվել այդ նախաձեռնությունում։
Նախատեսված է արտաքին քաղաքականության պա- տասխանատուների, դիվանագետների, միջազգայնագետների, արեւելագետների, չինագետների, տնտեսագետների, ուսանողների եւ ընթերցող լայն շրջանակների համար:

URL: https://chinastanorg.files.wordpress.com/2020/06/d09ed09fd09ed09fd098d090d0a0d0…

Նկարագրություն: В работе проанализировано влияние инициативы «Один пояс, один путь» на мировое политико-экономическое положение, а также дана оценка выше- упомянутой инициативе с точки зрения национальной безопасности Китая. Целью работы является составление стратегической «дорожной карты», посредством которой Армения может быть вовлечена в китайский политико- экономический проект, содействуя политическому, военно-техническому, финан- совому и экономическому сотрудничеству между Китаем и Арменией. В работе также представлена возможность использования армянской общины Китая в качестве фактора армянской «мягкой силы» в рамках инициативы «Один пояс, один путь». Основные выводы и результаты, полученные в процессе работы над этой книгой, были представлены и апробированы на международных акаде- мических конференциях, которые прошли в Московском Государственном Уни- верситете им. М. В. Ломоносова («Ломоносовские чтения. Секция экономи- ческих наук»), в Королевском колледже Лондона («Конференция Британской ассоциации китаеведения-2018» (BACS 2018 Conference)), в Университете Нев- шехир (IV конференция «Китай и Ближний Восток») и в Национальной академии наук Республики Армения (I конференция «Евразийское исследование о совре- менном Китае и Евразии»).
Книга предназначена для специалистов по внешней политике, дипломатов, международных экспертов, востоковедов, синологов, экономистов, студентов и широкого круга читателей.

URL: https://www.routledge.com/China-and-Eurasia-Rethinking-Cooperation-and-Contradi…

DOI: https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003109259

Նկարագրություն: This book facilitates exchanges between scholars and researchers from around the world on China-Eurasia relations.
Comparing perspectives and methodologies, it promotes interdisciplinary dialogue on China’s pivot towards Eurasia, the Belt and Road initiative, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization,　 Beijing’s cooperation and arguments with India, the EU, Western Balkans and South Caucasus states and the Sino-Russian struggle for multipolarity and multilateralism in Eurasia. It also researches digitalization processes in Eurasia, notably it focuses on China's Silk Road and Digital Agenda of Eurasian Economic Union. Multipolarity without multilateralism is a dangerous mix. Great power competitions will remain. In the Asian regional system more multilateral cushions have to be developed. Scholars from different nations including China, India, Russia, Austria, Armenia, Georgia, United Arab Emirates and Montenegro introduce their own, independent research, making recommendations on the developments in China-Eurasia relations, and demonstrating that through joint discussions it is possible to find ways for cooperation and for ensuring peaceful coexistence.
The book will appeal to policymakers and scholars and students in Chinese, Eurasian, International and Oriental Studies.

Նկարագրություն: Սույն աշխատության խնդիրն է վերլուծել ժամանակակից Չինաստանի արտաքին քաղաքականության հիմնական նպատակներն ու մարտահրավերները, նրա դերը Բազմաբեւեռ աշխարհակարգ 2.0-ում, հարաբերությունները ԱՄՆ-ի, Ռուսաստանի, ԵՄ-ի, Հնդկաս- տանի հետ, չինական արտաքին քաղաքականության մեջ «Մեկ գոտի, մեկ ճանապարհ» նախաձեռնության դերը որպես հիմնական գործիք: Ներկայացվում են Չինաստանի վարած արտաքին քաղաքականությունը Կենտրոնական Ասիայում, Հարավային Կովկասում, Մեր- ձավոր Արեւելքում, Արեւելյան եւ Արեւմտյան Եվրոպայում, Արեւելյան Ասիայում, Աֆրիկայում, Չինաստանի բազմակողմ քաղաքականությունը` ՇՀԿ-ում, ԲՌՀՉՀ-ում, ՌՀՉ-ում, ՄԱԿ-ում եւ այլն: Հեղինակն անդրադառնում է նաեւ «Մետաքսի թվային ճանապարհին» եւ չինական տեխնոլոգիաների դերին միջազգային հարաբերություններում: Սույն ձեռնարկում առա- ջարկվում են դասավանդման մեթոդներ, որոնք հեղինակն օգտագործել է ՀՌՀ-ում, ԵՊՀ-ում, ԳԱԱ ԳԿՄԿ-ում դասավանդելու ընթացքում: Նախատեսված է արտաքին քաղաքականություն, արեւելագիտություն դասավան- դողների, հետազոտողների, դիվանագետների, գործարարների, ուսանողների, նորագույն տեխնոլոգիայով հետաքրքրվողների եւ ընթերցող լայն շրջանների համար:

URL: https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/edit/10.4324/9781003352587/china-eurasian-p…

DOI: https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003352587

Նկարագրություն: This book argues that the world order is no longer unipolar, and the war in Ukraine proves this fact. As this study describes and theorizes, it has been transformed into a Multipolar World Order 2.0 stage. This title critically examines Chinese, US, Russian, EU, Indian, and a number of other powers’ cooperation and competition over security, diplomatic, economic and cyberspace issues.

Accomplished scholars from various regions of the Eurasian continent consider the impact of the Russo–Ukrainian war, the Sino–Russian strategic partnership, China’s relations with the United States and the European Union, the influence of the Belt and Road Initiative, the expansion of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and Eurasian Economic Union, China’s policies in the Middle East, Central Asia, Indo-Asia Pacific, the South Caucasus, Central and Eastern Europe, as well as focus on details of growing contradictions and collaboration in the Eurasian continent over markets, technologies, digital leadership, vaccine distribution, and financial institutions in the Era of Multipolar World Order 2.0.

Showing that the US-centred unipolar world order is replaced by Multipolar World Order 2.0 where conflicting powers fight to keep or extend their spheres of influence, this volume is of great interest to decision makers, diplomats, scholars and students of international relations, politics, global governance, Eurasian studies, Chinese studies, cybersecurity, and economics, and for those studying human security, international organizations, and geopolitics.

URL: https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9780429202445-9/iranian-nuc…

DOI: https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429202445

Նկարագրություն: In the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), China is involved in negotiations regarding Iran’s nuclear issues. Notably, China has always been against military solutions and regime changes in Iran, and it has given priority to diplomacy and negotiations. China never put unilateral sanctions on Iran as did the US and the EU.

The main aim of this chapter is to present in detail the sanctions regarding the Iranian nuclear issue voted on by the UNSC and the Chinese position on them, to analyze views from Tehran and Beijing on China’s involvement in the Iranian nuclear issue and to investigate Sino-Iranian cooperation after the signature of the JCPOA in the era of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

The conclusion is drawn that China ultimately voted for all UNSC resolutions on Iran as it is a responsible power and could not permit further development of Iran’s nuclear program, which the IAEA could not confirm was peaceful in intent. With the assistance of Russia and the EU, China played a constructive role in both preventing the US from starting a war with Iran and pressing Tehran to continue negotiations and to make concessions.

From China’s perspective, if Iran is broken and weakened by the West, Tehran will fall under the influence of the US. A safe and stable Iran means a safe and stable Persian Gulf, which is the main conduit through which China imports Middle Eastern energy resources.

In turn, Iran tries to maintain the balance between the East and the West by increasing the role of China in the (nuclear issue) negotiation process. Iran attempts to derive benefits from Sino-Russian cooperation in the UNSC as well.

In sum, China’s policy on Iran’s nuclear issue is to maintain and work toward a negotiated JCPOA through political efforts, even after May 8, 2018 when the US announced its withdrawal from the JCPOA. Iran still needs China as one of the main guarantors of a peaceful solution to the Iranian nuclear issue after the conclusion of the JCPOA. Tehran will try to find ways to develop economic cooperation with Beijing in the framework of BRI, but given the US sanctions, the process will be very hard and restricted.

URL: https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9781003109259-9/sino–russia…

Նկարագրություն: This chapter focuses on Sino–Russian geopolitical cooperation in Eurasia and its impact on world order. It reasons that if China and Russia combine their efforts and sources in Eurasia, they will have sufficient capabilities to compete with the United States in Eurasia and potentially exploit US disagreements with European allies. This study also discusses how the joint decision taken by Russia and China to bridge the Eurasian Economic Union with the Belt and Road Initiative contributes to the creation of a new transport infrastructure in Eurasia, which will serve as a bulwark to strengthen and reinforce the Sino–Russian positions in Eurasia.
In conclusion, because of the unbalanced US policy and simultaneous struggle against both Russia and China, these Eurasian non-western great powers have more reasons to unite their capabilities. As they do, they stand as a powerful tandem, which is already changing the balance of power in Eurasia in their favor.

URL: https://brill.com/view/book/edcoll/9789004510005/BP000017.xml

DOI: https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004510005_014

Նկարագրություն: This chapter seeks to critically examine Chinese foreign policy in regard to Iran’s nuclear programme, arguing that China’s pragmatism and contributions to the negotiations and its result, the jcpoa, improved the country’s status internationally which is not only conducive to the non- proliferation of weap-ons of mass destruction in the Middle East but prevented the United States and Israel from starting a war against Iran. To this end, it examines China’s position in regard to Iran’s nuclear ambitions, its economic ties with Iran as one of the suppliers of energy to China, as well as the country’s cooperation and disagreements with Russia and the US which has impacts on its foreign policy in regard to the balance of power in the Persian Gulf region.12.2China– Iran Nuclear CooperationThe United States continued to support Iran’s nuclear programme until 1979 when the US– Iranian strategic partnership collapsed due to the Islamic Revolution led by Ayatollah Khomeini who toppled Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the key US partner in the region. Expressing fundamental disappoint-ment with Tehran’s nuclear ambitions, the Americans stopped helping Iran with its nuclear programme using their influence to pressure other countries to halt their cooperation with the country in the field of nuclear research.Without Western technological support, Iran suspended its nuclear pro-gramme until the Iran– Iraq War, when the country restarted its nuclear pro-gramme, out of fear that Iraq might build and use nuclear weapons against Iran. When Iraq launched chemical weapons against Iranian forces, Tehran began to search for a new supplier of nuclear technologies and found China to be a reliable partner. During the Iran– Iraq War, China was one of Iran’s suppli-ers of modern weapons despite US attempts aimed at convincing the Chinese government to halt its weapons export activity.

URL: https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9781003156246-8/china-belt-…

DOI: https:/10.4324/9781003156246-8

Նկարագրություն: This chapter studies China’s involvement in the Central Asia through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Sections 1 and 2 analyze China’s main aims, such as logistic, economic, and energy cooperation with Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan in the framework of BRI’s Silk Road Economic Belt. Section 3 focuses on China’s cooperation with regional states under the auspice of BRI’s Digital Silk Road. Section 4 argues that Beijing with its Health Silk Road has secured the place of Chinese vaccines in the markets of all Central Asian states, which creates additional opportunities for Chinese medical production sector. Section 5 claims that through the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) with other members China and Russia try to keep region secure and do not let fundamentalist Muslims take power in Central Asia. Section 5 argues that through “China plus Central Asia” cooperation mechanism, China aims to develop its relations with Central Asian states in multilateral level without any other Great powers’ involvement, as it is in SCO. It concludes that China through its BRI has mostly kept its advancement in Central Asia in pre- and post-COVID-19 eras, although the outbreak made some problems for the trade.

URL: https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9781003156246-9/china-belt-…

DOI: https://10.4324/9781003156246-9

Նկարագրություն: This chapter studies China’s involvement in the Middle East through the Belt and Road Initiative. Section 1 analyzes China’s main aims, namely political, economic, and energy cooperation with these subregion major actors. Section 2 focuses on Sino-Iranian growing cooperation in the region. It argues that Beijing gets an opportunity to use Iran’s potential for strengthening its role in the Middle East and improve safety of transportation routes of Belt and Road.

Section 3 argues that China has improved its reputation, as a provider of medical aid to the Middle Eastern partners in need during the outbreak of COVID-19. China’s challenge in the Middle East is how to maintain friendly relations with all states and at the same time strengthening them despite the various disputes at stake. If by 2021, China kept the balance between regional players interested in BRI investments, from now on China will have to deal with Washington pressure against its partners not to halt cooperation with Beijing. To counterbalance US pressure, China can cooperate with Russia. Given the still unsolved religious and political issues, it is found that a political and nonconfrontational solution between United States and China for the Middle East is in the best interests of all actors involved.